What a Quote Means, Part 3
In part two of this series, I began listing what quotes in journalism mean in terms of journalistic intention. The first three cover epistemological and ethical issues in professional practice: 1) The journalist intends discover from the source some aspect of the news event and to transcribe that aspect from the language of the source to the printed page; 2) The journalist intends to transcribe aspects of events that correspond to a culturally-accepted range of understanding the world; and 3) The journalist intends to discover and deliver information thought to conform with the public’s civic and political needs.
I’ll continue to build this list now using the theory of structural bias.
I assert that the press applies a narrative structure to ambiguous events in order to create a coherent and causal sense of events (narrative bias). But this is not really saying much because all humans do this to some extent in communicating. A good non-journalistic example of such story creating for the purpose of “understanding” ambiguous events is mythology. The importance of this statement is not to be found in its obviousness but in the way journalists embrace the telling of stories without understanding that they create the stories, i.e. the stories are not there in the world to be found; the narrative structure is there in the journalist’s head waiting to be applied. Events are always ambiguous until we apply a narrative structure. Ambiguity here does not mean we don’t know what happened (or even why in some cases). It means that what an event means is ambiguous until structured narratively by assigning roles as antagonists and protagonists and identifying the central conflict within a context.
(So what does this really mean? It means that journalists make choices about how to fit events into the narrative structure. If choice, then alternatives.)
Cultural differences in narrative structure do exist. To way over-simplify it for the sake of illustration, examples would be: Some cultures tend to see stories progressing in linear fashion with clear A-to-B causal connections; some cultures tend to see stories unfolding in less linear fashion or spiraling around a central theme. Journalism in the U.S. follows a linear narrative path. A causes B.
Moving such a narrative along requires action. One way to add action to a story is to use dialog. This is especially important today for reasons I discussed earlier about journalistic epistemology: journalists believe the source has original knowledge or experience that makes him/her the primary knower in regard to a news event. In other words, the source knows what the event means and the conflict between sources becomes a large part of the story.
(Now might be a good time to review my blog essay about the coverage of pre-primary presidential campaigns where I argue that journalism needs to tell a different story–an alternative. You’ll find an academic essay on the same topic here. Journalism should tell the story of citizens’ experiences with governance more than the story of politicians’ struggles to be elected. This would help journalists do a better job of fulfilling intention #3.)
4. The journalist intends to tell a story using the words of sources to drive the action, identify the players, and define the conflict.
To come in this series: A consideration of more structural biases in regard to journalistic intention. I’ve decided to save my formula for rhetorical intention for last.










